In assessing whether this new territorial tax system is plausible this paper will highlight four main issues that face US multinational corporations, those being (1) Controlled Foreign Corporations (CFC) rules, (2) foreign tax credits (3) Transfer pricing and Accounting Principles Board Opinion 23 – Accounting for Income Taxes – Special Areas (APB 23). Moreover, this paper encompasses the pros and cons of this new territorial tax system proposal. Finally, this paper draws from the writer’s work experience and gives alternative considerations that can also be adopted for US multinationals.

This study uses Jim Cullen’s The American Dream: A Short History of an Idea that Shaped a Nation as a basis for discussion on the definition of ‘the American Dream’ and its many variations. The second portion takes these ideas further by presenting the idea of ‘the Asian American Dream’ and explores the factors that shape it. It also discusses the ‘model minority myth’ and it implications on Asian Americans and the role it plays in ‘the Asian American Dream’.

In the primary research, interviews were conducted with 20 Asian Americans, with a core group of nine respondents from Flushing, Queens. These respondents ranged in ethnic background and included both first and second generations. The findings connect the theoretical background to the personal experiences of the respondents. The results ranged widely and confirmed that ‘the American Dream’ is a broadly defined idea that still affects immigrants today.

In undergraduate management courses around the world, from Harvard University to Beijing International, eager young minds are taught the same fundamental management theories. Among others, one of the most popular would inevitably be Hofstede’s Cultural Dimensions.

Geert Hofstede, while working for the IBM research department, undertook a detailed survey and analysis of the various cultures of the world. He defined four dimensions of culture, now expanded to six, that can be utilized to describe the culture of a specific country, thereby creating a framework for international businesses to develop effective strategies. Hofstede once said in regards to cross-cultural business, “Culture is more often a source of conflict than of synergy. Cultural differences are a nuisance at best and often a disaster.” His model was created as a method to solve this source of conflict.

Various business men and women have written about both the applications and the limitations of Hofstede’s dimensions. Most analysts entertain the idea of doing business across two or three cultures, and in general the consensus is the same: the more cultures that are at play, the more difficult the business becomes. So what would happen if there were even more cultures at play; twenty-seven for example? This is exactly what was created with the European Union.

Applying Hofstede’s Cultural Dimensions to the European Union would prove that this monetary alliance cannot succeed long-term without significant changes to the current management structure.

In order to accurately prove my thesis, I must analyze and answer three main questions. First, it is necessary to review the boundaries of Hofstede’s dimensions in order to apply them to my field of study. By understanding the exact definition as well as the constraints of his model, a more accurate judgment can be reached. Second, I shall create a profile of the major players in the debt crisis, in order to identify the core cultural attributes and business management style. By graphically displaying the differences based on Hofstede’s dimensions, I will be able to evaluate and compare the different markets. Third, I will attempt to define problems that led to the European Sovereign Debt Crisis. By defining the current issues in the European Union and the responses to these issues in government, I can explain the relevance of management theory to monetary union.

At the conclusion of these three focus points, I intend to support that European Monetary Union has left cultural gaps, and if left unattended can lead to the demise of the Union. It is impossible to unify a large quantity of diverse markets under a single legislation. Cultural differences should be celebrated and embraced rather than swept under the rug. Unless the European Commission decides to actively modify their current strategy to reflect these cultural barriers, the European Union cannot succeed in the long term. No, culture is not the sole cause of the current EU catastrophe. But accounting for cultural differences would have lessened the severity or perhaps even prevented the current economic crisis.

What do you think is the strongest reason people choose to not litter? Is it the sign that threatens to fine them $100 for doing so? Is it that they religiously follow some sort of environmental ethic? Or is it their childhood memory of Uncle Frank giving them a swift tap on the head for tossing a candy wrapper on the ground? America is filled with both entrepreneurs and idiots. But more importantly, it is filled with families and communities that foster relationships that truly mean something. In this article I explore the subtle forms in which environmental awareness already exists in these communities and better ways to tap into those pro-environment sentiments. I hope that a better understanding of this can lead to improved relations between active environmentalists and the greater American public.

Then, I discuss how this led to the 110 billion euro bailout package the country received in May of 2010 with funds from both the IMF and the EU. The package was designed to prevent Greece from defaulting on its massive amounts of debt, and intended to cut the public deficit and national debt in the upcoming years. This package only postponed the country’s deeply embedded financial woes and a possible default until it received a second bailout package. In March of 2012, Greece reached a debt-swap deal which halved its debt-load, and also received the second bailout worth 130 billion euros. Debt was expected to fall, GDP contract, and unemployment rise, all in reaction to the new measures and further cuts. Since this bailout package is recent, it is difficult to measure the effectiveness of it so far, but is more realistic in aiding the economy than the first bailout package.

After discussing the two bailout packages, I use Argentina as a country of comparison regarding its own crisis and default in 2001. Like Greece, Argentina accumulated an unpayable debt because loans were recklessly taken and offered. Greece and Argentina share various similar features in relation to their economies, policies, and crisis; the difference is the solution as of yet that is different, as Argentina defaulted on its large amount of debt and Greece accepted a second bailout. The deep comparison to Argentina is very important, and many lessons can be taken from the country, since its economy excelled after defaulting on debts and dropping the peg to the dollar. Other than Argentina, other countries with similar situations and crises are discussed, such as the neighboring Eurozone periphery countries of Spain and Ireland. They shared some economic difficulties and recession also partly due to the Euro and the halt of capital flows after fears of risk of default, regardless of how well they had managed their finances. The common joint currency also played a very large role in creating crisis, and not only some irresponsible behavior of the countries. Outside of the Eurozone, another case is made regarding the financial crisis in Mexico which is also somewhat similar to that of Greece.

After analyzing similar crises, I discuss the concept of odious debt, the countries it was applied to, and that it can possibly be used in Greece’s case by showing that a large amount of the debt incurred was illegitimate. Lastly, the current economic situation of Greece is reviewed, along with what options the country has- defaulting and leaving the Eurozone, or accepting and abiding by the terms of the second bailout, and getting the private sector involved. The second bailout package is the best option to take when comparing it to a major default, which would be disastrous on the Greek economy and for the people, and also much more difficult than in Argentina’s case. Some of the massive amounts of debt should also be declared as odious if this can be proved by conducting a thorough audit. The second bailout will hopefully steer the economy in a better path and lead to overall economic growth in the years to come, although it has some harsh measures many Greeks are having difficulty accepting. To conclude, the road to recovery will not be easy, but it is possible even without a default at this point, as was done in Argentina. Reforms have to be made, new opportunities taken, the bureaucracy simplified, the corruption in government mitigated, and a change of lifestyle for many Greek people.

The discussion will begin with an analysis of the theoretical assertions made both in Anne Orford’s piece, “What can we do to stop people harming others?” and Robert D. Hanser’s article entitled “Peacemaking Criminology.” I will then offer a critique of the theories as I attempt to apply them to the case of Afghanistan, arguing in favor of a relatively small U.S. and NATO military presence. Following this section, I will question through use of comparative analysis the very principle that democracy is preferable to the authoritarianism that arose in the state after the Soviet occupation – and ultimately question that democracy and Islam are compatible – by pointing to competing viewpoints on the subject. By using process tracing, I will attempt to understand if there is a correlation between the form of government being implemented in the state and the current lack of peace and unity. A discussion of warlordism in Afghanistan will then be appropriate to illustrate the difficulties in setting up a Western-style democracy with a secure legal structure, as well as the reasons that required an organization as severe as the Taliban to obtain power in order for even a modicum of unity to exist within the struggling state. Finally, I will end by making a series of recommendations which address the ineffective and disastrous use of Western military forces in the region and which will take into account the need for ethnic unity made possible by an effective central security apparatus.

Sexual violence is prevalent across institutions of higher education in American society. Because the issue is not explicitly recognized by university communities, students are not given the tools, discourse or safe space to express their experiences with sexual violence. This in-depth study on universities across the country sets out to understand why sexual violence is not being talked about, details the legal mandates that all postsecondary institutions receiving Title IX funds must comply with, outlines the components which make for effective sexual assault policy and programming and explains the roles of administration, faculty and students in creating a collaborative effort for combating sexual violence.

This thesis specifically focuses on Pace University and the issues it faces in effectively addressing sexual violence on its New York City Campus. The findings suggest that although Pace has made strides in responding to sexual violence by implementing a new, fairly comprehensive policy (Appendix C) in January 2011 there is still much more to be done. Funding must be reallocated so that Pace University can have a model framework for preventing, responding and intervening in cases of sexual violence. This paper performs a comparative study between Pace University and other institutions of higher education which supports the idea that Pace University is not doing enough to protect its community. Recommendations include suggestions for improvement for Pace University specifically, and a general overview of the fundamentals which make for effective and comprehensive policy and programming for postsecondary institutions of higher education in the United States.

Using political theories of power and a sophisticated standpoint feminist stance, this research describes the factors that deters students from reporting sexually violent crimes, clarifies the features of policy and programming which encourages students to report and advocates for collaboration between individuals in positions of power and activists within the community, while arguing that a transformation in attitudes and behaviors toward sexual violence response and prevention is necessary for change.